Introduction

As we saw in last year's British Social Attitudes report, the recent past has seen growing public scepticism about climate change (Taylor, 2011a). The climate change debate itself is well-rehearsed. On one side, the overwhelming majority of climate scientists and the world's leading scientific bodies stand in agreement that climate change is a significant threat to the planet and our way of life. While the causes are many and varied, 'greenhouse' gases (GHG) - especially carbon dioxide emissions from the combustion of fossil fuels - have been identified as the chief contributing factor. On the other side stand dissenting scientists, doubtful politicians and sceptical commentators. Their influence has been increased by controversies such as 'climategate'; even though the British climate scientists accused of manipulating and suppressing data were comprehensively cleared. The 'sceptics' have variously argued that man-made climate change is scientifically unproven, that the threat posed is exaggerated, or that there is little we can do to avert its predicted consequences.

The British public, while experiencing the most prolonged period of economic uncertainty since the 1930s, has had to contend with conflicting assertions about the veracity of climate change theory. In this context, last year's British Social Attitudes report found a 10-year increase from a quarter to more than a third in the proportion of people agreeing that many claims made about environmental threats have been exaggerated (Taylor, 2011a). While identifying significant concern for the impact of transport on climate change, the report also found a distinct lack
of support for financial penalties to reduce vehicle use, such as road pricing 
(Taylor, 2011b).

Politically, each of the main Westminster parties maintain that tackling climate change is a priority. Recent Coalition policy initiatives have included the establishment of a Green Investment Bank, energy efficiency measures for housing and reform of the energy market. Though often criticised for not going far enough, this package of measures is intended to have the dual benefit of encouraging growth in the UK economy and helping to reduce the UK's GHG emissions. Tensions have, nevertheless, been observed inside the Coalition. For example, a party conference speech in 2011 by the Chancellor, George Osborne, was accompanied by media reports that he is critical of the 'green agenda', regarding environmental regulation as an unacceptable burden on British industry.

Legislation passed by the previous Labour government commits the UK to a 34 per cent reduction in GHG emissions from their 1990 levels by 2020, and an 80 per cent reduction by 2050. It is estimated that transport is responsible for roughly a quarter of UK carbon dioxide emissions, making it the second biggest contributor to GHG in the UK after energy production (Department of Energy and Climate Change, 2012). So if these challenging targets are to be met, it is clear that the transport sector will need to play a major part. Although GHG emissions from the sector peaked in 2007, and have since returned to roughly their 1990 levels, there is still a long way to go. Achieving a significant transformation will require strong action to 'decarbonise' transport, including the further development of emission-reducing technologies. But progress will also depend heavily on public opinion and whether the British people can be persuaded to make transport and travel choices that are less
environmentally damaging.

In examining the public's views about climate change and transport, this chapter pursues two main themes. Firstly, it investigates how far people accept the theory of climate change caused by humans and how their beliefs influence concerns about the effects of transport on the environment. It then explores the extent to which the public might be willing to change its transport and travel behaviour in 'greener' ways.